Translated from Russian by O. Torbasow. Corrected by N.R.

10/22/2015

On disintegration of Ukraine, on Crimea and Novorossiya

By | 10/28/2015
  1. The current events in Ukraine are caused by the emerging and the consolidation of Ukrainian national state. It is a progressive process in itself, but it has been implemented in highly undesirable way being accompanied by an outburst of reactionary ideologies (chauvinism of all hues, social racism etc.), a war, fascistization of Kiev regime and intensifying of international tensions.

  2. Two major nations have more or less taken shape in Ukraine. One, Ukrainian, speaks Ukrainian and votes for the Ukrainian national parties (the parties of the coalitions United Opposition Fatherland (Batkivshchyna) and then “European Ukraine”, as well as ultra-right Freedom (Svoboda) and Right Sector (Pravyi Sektor), etc.). Anti-communism, especially in the form of anti-Stalinism and “Banderaphilia,” Russophobia and Eurocentrism became as its cardinal ideas. Another nation speaks Russian and votes for the Russian national parties (the Party of Regions and its successors, as well as the CPU), for secession or doesn’t vote at all. Its cardinal ideas are Russophilia and Soviet nostalgia with ambiguous nature. This nation prevails in Crimea and eight South-Eastern regions, which became known as the “Novorossiya” (lit. New Russia). Both nations are affected by nationalism and by the restoration of religiosity to some extent.

  3. There is no need to prove that one or another national minority in bourgeois state is subjected to national oppression. All past history eloquently testifies that it is a true and exceptions are the peculiarities which require justification. The minority itself has to judge practically on this issue.

  4. The Russian national minorities of Ukraine put forward the requirements of the linguistic equality; federalization and even secession. Democratic way of addressing these issues was unbendingly rejected by the new regime in Kiev. Thereafter the area of Novorossiya (above all – Donetsk and Lugansk regions which have self-determinated) should be considered to be annexed lands (in terms of the Decree On Peace, i.e. forcibly retained) by Ukraine.

  5. Numerous testimonies of people with different beliefs do not allow to doubt the sincerity and the voluntariness of the self-determination of the majority of Crimean population in favor of joining Russia and to depict it as alleged “annexation” or “occupation,” even if it was implemented only due to the Russian military intervention. As for Russians, they have a double feeling of the return of Crimea: on the one hand, it is a sense of great-power supremacy pushing for the expansion and hegemonic claims; on the other hand, it is the sentiments of reunification of Russian people as the long-awaited triumph of justice.

  6. There is no doubt that Crimean Tatar and Ukrainian minorities would suffer some infringements in the seceded Russian regions (even though justly declared official bilingualism or trilingualism). However Kiev propaganda, of course, depicts these infringements in an exaggerated manner for its expansionist ends. This problem should be considered carefully, comprehensively and without confidence in the biased sources of both sorts.

  7. We stand in solidarity with the Marxist-Leninist organization Struggle (Borotba), as well as all activists persecuted for communist activity. By and large, Ukrainian left agenda is now publicly articulated by anti-authoritarianist and pro-Kiev regime Autonomous Workers’ Union (AST), Social Movement Party (Socialny ruh) rejecting the dictatorship of the proletariat and the right of nations to self-determination, reformist and nationalistically inclined Left Opposition (based on the CPU and the PSPU) and the above mentioned Borotba. Leading light for communists in other countries is apparent.

  8. The main objectives, which should be pursued in the current Ukrainian conflict:

    1. International recognition of self-determination of Crimean peoples, peoples of DPR and LPR (as well as other partially recognized states – Republic of Abkhazia, Republic of South Ossetia, Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic, Republic of Kosovo), and cessation of military aggression of Kiev regime;

    2. Democratic solution of the national question also in the rest of the Novorossiya region (through full legalization of autonomist or secessionist parties, peaceful negotiations and referendums under the supervision of all states concerned);

    3. Termination of Ukrainian policy of legalizing of fascism and criminalization of communism in Ukraine.

  9. In connection with the current Ukrainian conflict the following statements become especially true:

    1. The universal and consistent respect for the right of nations to self-determination,

    2. Protection of the importance and integrity of the historic heritage of the anti-Hitler coalition against fascism,

    3. International solidarity of the proletarians and the poor.

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